From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations since 1776 (Oxford History of the United States)

This is a monumental synthesis and assessment of U. S. foreign relation from 1776 to the early 21st century. It is an unprecedented American historical decathlon, exploring long forgotten corners of the evolution of U. S. foreign relations and melding these into a cohesive account that is invaluable both for the generalist and the specialist. Professor Herring relies on hundreds of books, both familiar and less known, and an equally broad array of professional journal articles to illustrate long-term continuities in U. S. relations with Latin America, Asia, and elsewhere. Half of this tour de force covers the period from 1776 to 1931, with nearly 500 pages devoted to 1931 up to the present. For this writer, steeped in early editions of Thomas A. Bailey's A DIPOMATIC HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE,I was surprised by the new insights and interpretations presented by Herring. I call his book an American history decathlon because it, with admirable success, interweaves domestic and international considerations into his flowing narrative of U. S. foreign relations. As such, he will distress American history diplomatic and domestic period specialists because of his expansive scope and, at times, outspoken opinions. I am reminded of a World History Association conference nearly twenty years ago, when a member of a panel on 12th century Spain sought to provide an overview assessment of the period. Several 12th century Spain social and religious panelists ignored the validity of this broad overview and focused on their own parochial nitpicking. The same has already occurred with FROM COLONY TO SUPER POWER: U.S. FOREIGN RELATIONS SINCE 1776. I prefer first to applaud the boldness of this delectable historical bouillabaisse before zeroing in on the appropriateness of some of the ingredients. Professor Herring, one of our generation's most distinguished historians, as well David Kennedy, the current general editor of the Oxford History of the United States series, are fully familiar with the ground rules of traditional historians. They chose a bold approach intended to complement the period volumes in this series. The result is a highly readable, well-conceived narrative that provides remarkable insight into both the complexity and consistency of U. S. foreign relations from early days to the present. Herring shines light into many long-forgotten corners that, in Latin America, in regarding American exceptionalism and racism, and in the myth of U. S. isolationism, contribute to a keen appreciation of how the past often is reflected in the present. I doubt that anyone is qualified to assess all of the components of Professor Herring's invaluable compendium. He seems equally topical in his assessments of long-past situations asin his modern-day syntheses. Personally, I have been a student of American history for over two generations and an American history professor for the past 18 years. As a Foreign Service Officer, I enjoyed an insider's view of foreign affairs. As the creator of Moody's Investor Services' international bond and commercial paper credit ratings, I developed a global view of finance and politics. The great bulk of Herring's unique magnus opus rings true. Some, to my mind, do not. I believe that his description of the Mexican-American War would have benefitted from John Eisenhower's SO FAR FROM GOD: THE U. S. WAR WITH MEXICO 1846-1848. Eisenhower's INTERVENTION: THE UNITED STATES' INVOLVEMENT IN THE MEXICAN REVOLUTON: 1913-1917 resents Woodrow Wilson in a less noble light that does Herring. The section of the American empire in the late 19th and early 20th century does not reflect the importance of five key individuals that were so brilliantly described in Warren Zimmermann's FIRST GREAT TRIUMPH: HOW FIVE AMERICANS MADE THEIR COUNTRY A WORLD POWER. Also David McCullough's THE PATH BETWEN THE SEAS, is the definitive account of the Panama Canal saga. I thought that Herring do not give full measure to FDR's difficult domestic situation as he sought to lead America into becoming the arsenal for democracy. I also considered his treatment of Truman overly harsh. While Alonzo L. Hamby's MAN OF THE PEOPLE: A LIFE OF HARRY S. TRUMAN is more judicious than David McCullough's Pulitzer-winning TRUMAN, the latter provides a more favorable account of Truman's actions during a tumultuous time. In a book with hundreds of bold opinions and judgments, every historian would find reason to cavil. However, overall I consider Herring's book a remarkable accomplishment. In less than 1,000 pages he has provided a cohesive, comprehensive account of U. S. foreign relations over more than two centuries. His themes have a credible timbre. They result in an overall appreciation of how U. S. foreign relations have evolved and how this relates to present-day situations from which the generalist and the specialist can richly benefit. I doubt that anyone will again have the guts and competence to undertake such a monumental overview of our global foreign relations as they evolved within a fast-changing domestic America. In my opinion, economics is the primary driving force behind the growth and power of the United States. Initially, a volume, The American Economy by Stuart Bruchey, was included in the projected outline for the Oxford History of the United States. Evidently this did not work out and Professor Bruchey, in 1991, published independently Enterprise: The Dynamic Economy of a Free People. While Professor Herring constantly refers to economics in his history, he includes some stunning economic statistical errors. For example: * On page 127 he states that the War of 1812 cost $158 billion. Does he mean million? * On page 374 he states that the U. S. government gave Nicaragua $3 billion for a naval base and canal rights. The figure was $3 million. * On page 597 he states that the U. S. GNP rocketed from $886 million in 1939 to $135 billion in 1945 (an astonishing increase). While I don't have my library at my Long Island summer home, the GDP for this period rose from $92.2 billion to $223 billion. On balance I believe that Professor Herring has made a remarkable contribution to appreciating the nature of U. S. foreign relations from 1776 to the present. Personally, I will find it invaluable when I teach each of the periods. His overall scope, as well as his many priceless nuggets, renders this an imperative resource for all American historians. Hopefully, some students will discover that the nitty-gritty of American foreign relations is both fascinating and essential to understanding where we came from. Indeed, modern-day policy makers would benefit before they stumble into another Iraq or Afghanistan situation. As Professor Herring wisely concludes "The United States cannot dictate the shape of a new world order, but the way it responds to future foreign policy challenges can help ensure its security and well-being and exert a powerful influence for good or ill."

Wow! What a well-written, poignant book. George Herring has written the most up to date account of American foreign relations of any book currently on the market. Not surprisingly, this is part of the Oxford History of the United States, that criticized yet powerful (and well received) series on American history. Herrings entry into the OHUS is the only topical book and he does a marvelous job. Other reviews (not those on Amazon) have been critical of Herring saying that he does not offer enough critical insight into his subject and does not have a primary theory to base his study upon. I disagree. Throughout the book he comments on the theme of American exceptionalism (which has been around for at least 30 years) and how Americans have always sought to elevate themselves above the old world and depict the American way of life as superior and beneficial to the rest of the world. Unfortunately, America often finds itself at the mercy of a world that disagrees with its principals, and under the leadership of presidents who don't really have a clear idea of how they would apply American ideals onto an unwilling world. Herring also runs a narrative that includes the good and bad of all of our presidents as they approach foreign affairs. Some eagerly want to work on the international stage while others do so only begrudgingly. Herring's effort is nothing short of remarkable. His lengthy book (over 960 pages of text and a 30+ page bibliographic essay) covers every aspect of our diplomatic history from the early days where nothing assured America's existence, through coalition building during our Civil and world wars, and into the Cold War and post-Cold War years. While there were no new topics for me to learn, there were details that I had never heard of or had realized were happening. Herring obviously has a deep understanding of his subject matter and has the skills of a seasoned professional as he applies the pen to paper. While this book is likely too long to make it a college textbook, there are other books to meet this particular need, it still is worth the effort to plow through its 1000 pages. Historians from all fields will sooner or later need to have an understanding of how America has approached foreign policy during its existence, and this book will more than meet that need. But Herring's writing style is vibrant enough so that the casual reader will also gain much from it. If nothing else, his final paragraph beginning on page 963 summarizes America's role in the present world and will help the reader reconcile ideology and reality in a way that (hopefully) will return America to the center of the world stage and truly play the lead role expected of it.

This entry into the Oxford History of the United States focuses its attention on the diplomatic affairs of the nation since its founding in 1776. In doing so, this volume examines US history through the lens of two centuries and more which sets it apart from the other volumes which focus on smaller time spans. I found the book to be interesting as most histories tend to focus on all aspects of eras and denote foreign affairs only as sideshows to domestic events. Herring’s lens placed foreign affairs at the center of attention and showed how they impacted domestic affairs. This was a rather interesting change of pace. Herring is the Alumni Professor of History Emeritus at the University of Kentucky. He has specialized in studying American foreign affairs as a career field and has written several books on the subject. This volume is the culmination of that specialized study. Beginning with Benjamin Franklin and his incredible achievements in France during the American War of Independence right up to the first decade of the 21st century, Herring covers the often mishandled foreign policy of the nation. The thing that struck me the most in reading the book is that Herring seemed to show how there has never been a general US foreign policy. It has always changed depending on the will of the president and political party in control of the federal government. I would think this would be extremely frustrating for other nations who constantly had to adapt to a new president and their desires. If one thing stands out, it is that the nation’s leaders often regulated foreign policy to the backburner in favor of domestic affairs, but soon found out that this approach often failed. Woe to the American president who ignored foreign affairs after WWII. In some cases foreign policy influenced their decision making process far more than they wanted to the point where foreign affairs played a make or break role in their administration’s success in the long term. A prime example of this would be Lyndon Johnson. The conflict in Vietnam sapped his ability to sustain his liberal domestic policy which resulted in conservative assaults upon it that severely crippled the legislation’s ability to live up to its promises. The nation still deals with the effects of that event. In the case of early American presidents, Herring also shows how foreign policy impacted their choices. Jefferson and Madison are often well known for their domestic policies and political idealism, but foreign affairs played such a strong role in their choices that contemporary Americans often felt those administrations were nowhere nearly as successful as modern Americans make them out to be. Herring is extremely critical of the unilateralist policies of George W. Bush and his neo-conservative base. He saw these policies as disastrous which probably reflects the attitudes of the academic community at large during those times as well as the hindsight which has clearly shown unilateralism to have significantly damaged America’s standing in the international community. I thought the book was excellent even without that analysis. While some readers may object to that analysis, the facts bear out Herring’s assessment. Herring supported his interpretations quite well with a great deal of scholarship as borne out by his supporting documentation. He used a rich mixture of primary and secondary sources to develop them. I really liked the book and its set up as working the different eras via chapters. Each one could be read separate from the other which is helpful for instructors who are looking for information on specific time periods. The drawback is this is a big book and the separation can cause readers to set it down for long stretches. All in all I found the book to be a very good study of US foreign policy which has greatly enriched my understanding of the nation’s development over time.

“From Colony to Superpower: U.S Foreign Relations Since 1776” is the seventh volume in the Oxford History of the United States (OHUS) series. Written by George C. Herring, a professor of history at the University of Kentucky, the former editor of “Diplomatic History,” and the author of “America’s Longest War: The United States and Vietnam, 1950-1975.” “From Colony to Superpower” was first published to very positive reviews in 2008. In “From Colony to Superpower,” Herring traces the history of the United States from the nation’s founding until 2008 – from the American Revolution to the War in Iraq – through the lens of foreign relations. Although this book spans over two centuries of American history, it provides a surprisingly great amount of historical detail about the entire period. Herring demonstrates his foreign relations expertise on every page, offering sound scholarship and some historical interpretations that I found unique and very interesting. Professor Herring for the most part avoids injecting his own political biases into his writing, something I find especially beneficial. I was especially impressed with the way George C. Herring wrote “From Colony to Superpower.” To me, his prose is unfailingly lively and smooth, and held my interest throughout When I first bought the hardcover edition of this 1,035-page doorstop of a book in 2009, I thought it would be a boring treatise on American foreign policy. I held off reading it for nine years; last month I bought the Kindle edition. I dove in, and haven’t been able to put it down since… “From Colony to Superpower: U.S Foreign Relations Since 1776” is the only volume in the OHUS series (thus far) that covers U.S. History according to a specific topic – U.S. foreign policy. (All other volumes cover specific time periods of American history.) Although the book is now ten years old, Professor Herring has recently updated it by dividing it into two volumes and adding much new material. I think “From Colony to Superpower: U.S Foreign Relations Since 1776” is one of the best volumes in the Oxford History of the United States series, (I rank it behind only “Battle Cry of Freedom” by James M. McPherson and “Freedom from Fear” by David M. Kennedy.) Highly Recommended.

The best history books bring the past to life with immediacy and relevancy, and George C. Herring's "From Colony to Superpower" practically jumps off the page with topical ideas and arguments. Starting from a central premise that "the enduring idea of an isolationist America is a myth," writer and historian Herring shows how foreign policy goals have shaped U.S. history from the colonial period to modern times. With fascinating and at times controversial examples and insights, Herring advances his thesis with each chapter and provides telling examples to illustrate his main ideas. According to the author, right from the start the colonies broke with accepted economic policy, pushed for broader interaction with the world market, and essentially "became champions of free trade well before the Revolution." The Declaration of Independence can be seen as a statement of U.S. foreign policy because "its immediate and urgent purpose was to make clear to Europeans, especially the French, the colonies' commitment to independence." Similarly, the Articles of Confederation that came later "were designed to secure foreign support." In essence, U.S. history is one of interacting with other countries and cultures. Herring even suggests that the treatment of American Indians by the U.S. government is best viewed as a clash between foreign countries. "From Colony to Superpower" gains a breathless momentum as Herring details the Cold War, concluding that "America's 'soft power' in the form of such things as rock-and-roll music and the glitter of Western consumer goods may have had a greater subversive effect than its military power." Herring then brings us right up to 2007, when the United States becomes a "hyperpower" -- and "yet the attainment of such power did not bring the freedom from fear that Washington had envisioned." To each of his arguments, the writer brings an analytical precision and a clarity of vision. His writing is crisp and concise and yet he never loses perspective or neglects the complexity of the issues. As with the other books in the "Oxford History of the United States" series, this seventh entry presents the past as a page-turning narrative full of colorful characters and compelling events. As a result, the 900-page book is, believe it or not, an easy read. "From Colony to Superpower" isn't just for history buffs and politicos. It's for anyone who wants to understand the United States and its place in the world.

Herring presents ably a very long history (from 1776 to 2000) of US diplomacy in a relatively small space, and this is the major drawback of the book. Important events need to be treated in a very short space that is too small to really talk about the nuances. To give an example, liberation theology appears in a single sentence in the chapter on Reagan's presidency as something developped by radical priests "following principles set forth by Pope John XXIII" with gives short thrift to the role of the Catholic church in Central American politics and to liberation theology itself. A difficult topic that deserves are more nuanced treatment cannot receive it in a single volume. This problem shows up repeatedly. By having to concentrate on the US site, the narrative frequently glosses over big changes in the minor players of the drama be that the fall of the fourth republic and the coming of de Gaulle or the shift from Christian Democrat led government to Social Democrat led one in Germany. I am not sure about the quality of fact checking, but Egon Bahr was not Brandt's foreign minister (he was a secretery of state and the chancellery), but nevertheless the architect of his foreign policy. Did the May 1968 upheaval in France " helped to bring down de Gaulle"? He did resign in April 1969, but the Gaullist had won the election in June 1968. Again, lack of space prevents a nuanced description that needs to be given.

Studying this book gives ample justification for the belief that the United States is an empire that is built upon the ashes of old empires. However unlike the empires of the past, the United States has through subtleness and tact caused many of its citizens to believe that empire-building is not only historically and economically justified, but also the morally proper thing to do. Even the use of military force, which has been used over and over again in US imperial adventures, is viewed as an ethical imperative, even “healthy to a nation”, as Henry Cabot Lodge is quoted as saying in this book. Other empires in history have been deemed “evil” for carrying out the same sort of actions that the US has indulged itself in for the last 200 years, and is continuing to do, albeit under the guise of “security” rather than under the banner of “extending civilization to lesser peoples abroad”. This book however is not a study in the psychology of mass hysteria, xenophobia and jingoism, but rather a detailed account of the policy-makers/plunderers who attempted to maneuver events to their benefit throughout American history. This story is not a pretty one, but readers who desire the raw, naked truth about US foreign policy will find sound scholarship in between the covers of this book. There is much more waiting to be uncovered when it comes to this aspect of US history, but the author gives a fairly unbiased account, and one that does not show any signs of being seduced by the doctrine of American exceptionalism or sycophancy to any political party. After finishing this book one can conclude with fairness that there does not seem to be any country in the world that has not been touched by US foreign policy. But even though the violence the US has deployed to attain its goals does not compare perhaps with other nations, many countries that showed promise for development and self-determination were decimated by the decisions made by weak-minded, ethically austere American government officials. Countries like Cuba, Chile, Haiti, Guatemala, and Vietnam come to the immediate forefront in the carnage, terror, and body count they experienced as the result of misguided US foreign policies, but there are many other places that have found themselves under the yoke of these policies. Newcomers to the history of American foreign policy may be surprised to hear for example of US presence in the Russian revolution, the US invasion of Mexico, or the attempts to force Japan into opening up its markets. The attempted control of the “weak and semi-barbarous people” delineated in this book has not only lead to disasters for the peoples trampled upon, but also for the United States. Using a pistol rather than rational persuasion has been viewed as the more intelligent alternative, and like other empires in the past, the United States is now feeling the burden of its loyalty to this alternative. It remains to be seen of course what country in the world will attempt to build upon the ashes of the American empire.

Herring's book is encyclopedic, first of all. Also, Herring is a superb historian that is well-known for his books on the American involvement in Vietnam. He is the right person to produce a work on this large and complicated subject. The book covers from the American Revolution to the present. At the heart of it all is the American "empire of liberty" that early America envisioned and Herring brings the reader through the ages up to the role America presently occupies in the world with this thought in mind. This revolution is critical to understand and the realization that this is an incomplete revolution is even more important. A good quote to think on is W. Bush's, "The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands." The book begins with Herring dispelling myths and continues to return to such an approach throughout the book. "Yet from the Revolution to the present, the pursuit of economic self-interest has ensured a high level of global involvement." This Novus Ordo Seclorum is the lynchpin to comprehending American foreign policy. The notion of "isolation" is false in defining or describing American foreign policy. If we are to understand our position and reaction in the world today, the past is a vital pattern to comprehend. I highly recommend this book.

En un peu plus de mille pages, "From Colony to Superpower" offre un panorama complet et équilibré dans son traitement de la politique étrangère américaine. Bien écrit, il se lit facilement et constitue sans conteste le meilleur ouvrage en un volume dans ce domaine - pour un prix qui plus est raisonnable. Un livre de référence pour les passionnés, mais aussi pour les étudiants et les enseignants.

Noch nicht fertig gelesen, bin ich trotzdem vom Buch über die Details der politischen Zusammenhänge sehr begeistert. Das dicke Format ist etwas unhandlich und wäre mit einer 2 oder 3 Band Version weit idealer.

Albeit sometimes very generous towards US governments, it is a wonderful work.

Had to buy for a course on America and war at uni. It isn’t the most exciting book to read But it had all the relevant information in it for me to get a 2:1 in that module so I’m very happy. Lots of good information.

A useful addition to one’s professional library.